Performance of Australia’s Regions: Benchmarking and Rankings 2019-2023

The pattern of GDP growth outcomes over the fiscal years 2019 to 2023 is generally in accordance with expectations given the pattern of COVID-19 lockdowns.

Except for the outer Melbourne regions, namely Melbourne Outer South and Melbourne Outer South East, which experienced small gains in Gross Regions Product (GRP), all other Melbourne regions experienced falls in GRP between fiscal years 2019 and 2021.

The Sydney area had the next most adversely impacted group of regions over the 2019-2021 years. Sydney Central did grow by half its historical average but most other Sydney regions experienced a decline in GRP. In terms of the New South Wales non- metropolitan regions, only one region experienced a negative growth rate, Far West, while Illawarra, NSW South East and South West produced growth rates equal to, or better than, the historical trend.

The Brisbane area regions in general produced GRP growth rates that were equal to, or marginally down, on the historical 2008-2019 trends, as did the Sunshine Coast. The Gold Coast GRP growth rate was relatively low at 0.8 per cent per annum. The Queensland regions which produced negative growth rates were Toowoomba Darling Downs, Rockhampton, Townsville and the Outback.

All the South Australian regions produced GRP growth rates equal to or better than the historical growth rates, as did the Western Australian regions with the exception of South West and the Pilbara Kimberley regions.

Both the Tasmanian regions and the ACT produced growth rates that were near or better than the historical trends.

Darwin’s growth rate fell significantly compared to historical trends.

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State of the Regions Report 2022-2023: Industries, trade & occupations in uncertain times

Unlock critical insights with this comprehensive report, analysing industry trends, trade flows, and shifts in wealth and occupation patterns across Australia, the US, and beyond—including impacts from the post-COVID period  and the United States political-economy and Australia to 2040.

With over 30 years of economic research, it’s an indispensable tool for government bodies, businesses, and policymakers adapting to today’s challenges. This report provides data-driven analysis for strategic, impactful decisions, highlighting growth opportunities and navigating regional challenges with detailed, actionable insights shaped by both resilience and recovery.

Download our free main report from sor.nieir.com.au

The Geography of Personal and Household Incomes

Data from the Census of Australia

Ian Manning, National Institute of Economic and Industry Research and
charter member, Brotherhood of St Laurence

Paper for the Australian Social Policy Conference, Social Policy Research Centre,
University of New South Wales

11 September 2019

 

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“Data is not information, information is not knowledge, knowledge is not understanding and understanding is not wisdom.”  (Clifford Stoll)

 

For two decades the National Institute of Economic and Industry Research has prepared a State of the Regions report for the Australian Local Government Association. Each annual report includes measures of inter-regional income inequalities based on National Accounts data. This paper first reviews the National Accounts indicators and then considers alternative indicators based on Census data, including the geographic patterns they reveal. The comparisons were made for each of the 544 LGAs listed in the Census but for purposes of exposition the results were aggregated to 67 regions.

The 2016 Census required respondents aged 15 and over to tick a box to denote their weekly income. The Census form included the comment: ‘information from this question provides an indication of living standards in different areas’. The Census income data are published as personal income and equivalised household income. The geographic patterns revealed in the Census data were described in the State of the Regions report for 2019-20 and are here further analysed, concentrating on the proportion of households, by region, reporting incomes in the bottom and top deciles of equivalised income.

The geographic distributions of income documented from the Census indeed throw light on living standards, but there are no conclusions, only further questions, such as the following.

  • In what kinds of region do low personal incomes generate low equivalised incomes?
  • Why is Sydney so income-segregated?
  • What are the effects of fly-in fly-out and indigenous residence on living standards in remote areas?

National populations are a natural focus for studies of inequality, since national governments preside over taxation and public expenditure policies which directly affect the distribution of income and wealth. In Australia the national distribution of income, wealth and consumption expenditure, both between individuals and households, has been assiduously documented in a series of sample surveys, beginning with the ABS survey of income distribution for the Poverty Inquiry in 1973 and continued since, particularly in the ABS surveys of income and household expenditure and in the University of Melbourne HILDA survey. The surveys have been analysed in a search for trends, with the results somewhat dependent on the indicators of inequality chosen. The most definite results have included the association between income and employment (employed people generally receive higher incomes than not-employed), income and industry of employment (some industries pay better than others), income and gender (men tend to have higher individual incomes than women) and income and age (both young and old have lower incomes than the middle aged) (Productivity Commission 2018). The national distribution maps down to the regional level, so that regions where unemployment rates are low are expected to have high regional incomes, and likewise regions with middle-aged populations and regions where employment is concentrated in high-income industries. (One might add regions with masculine populations, but fortunately the sex ratio does not vary much between regions except as a consequence of age distribution.)

Though regional inequality of income can confidently be predicted from the national sample surveys, they cannot be proven from this source; neither can it be shown that regional inequality is greater or less than indicated by the factors identified at national level due to the influence of regional factors. The problem is simple: national sample surveys do not yield results which are statistically significant at the regional level.  Two main sets of indicators are in use to identify rich and poor regions. One set derives from administrative sources and is summarised in Gross Regional Product, the other set derives from the Census. This paper describes and assesses the available measures, limiting itself to recent estimates (the financial year 2018-19 and Census 2016). It does not attempt to quantify trends, but does attempt to identify the reasons why particular regions are currently rich or poor.

 

 

A social geography of the Mornington Peninsula

This article was prepared for the George Hicks Foundation as part of a background paper for a meeting of philanthropists interested in work on the Mornington Peninsula. An evaluation of the costs and benefits of providing educational assistance to disadvantaged families living on the Peninsula is provided in a separate posting.

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Opportunities to create pathways to assist disadvantaged children in the Mornington Peninsula, Victoria

This article was prepared for the George Hicks Foundation as part of a background paper for a meeting of philanthropists interested in work on the Mornington Peninsula. A more detailed social geography of the Peninsula is provided in a separate posting.

 

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